Sunday, January 29, 2012

Merton & Hafiz: Into Darkness to Light, to Love

Sometimes it's hard to separate one's love of God from love of life, love of creation, love of people, and love of truth, whether spiritual, scientific or historical. Sometimes it all seems to merge into one gestalt, one encompassing perception that defies description. Sometimes we may even start to lose some of our sense of identity in that broader, deeper sense of creation, existence and reality. Further, we may have to acknowledge a different sense of purpose, a growing sense of shared relationship and identity--and it seems to transcend that which changes and passes, and finds more identity with that which endures, perhaps even a timeless shared identity in the infinite and eternal.

But, at some point in that process there necessarily comes many challenges to orthodox thinking and understandings in faith practice and life. The doors get blown off some protected safe havens and refuges from personal change and growth, places too often created by cultural and faith organizations, and even the faithful themselves, because they cannot fully risk following God and truth into the unknown, the unsettling places that cause us to question who we are, what we believe, and what that means for our lives and our speculations about the real and eternal. This is an unnerving, identity-questioning and changing place that most would rather avoid, or escape if they find themselves led there.

I've often talked of the 20th-century Cistercian (Trappist) monk, Thomas Merton, and shared from his writings. I will share more here, along with some poetry by the 14th-century Sufi master, Hafiz. These quotes are excerpted from Merton's book on contemplative prayer. Thomas Merton:
It is natural for one in [certain circumstances] to dread the loss of his faith, indeed of his own integrity and religious identity, and to cling desperately to whatever will seem to preserve the last shreds of belief. So he struggles, sometimes frantically, to recover a sense of comfort and conviction in formulated truths or familiar religious practices. His meditation becomes the scene of his agonia, this wrestling with nothingness and doubt. But the more he struggles the less comfort and assurance he has, and the more powerless he sees himself to be. Finally he loses even the power to struggle. He feels himself ready to sink and drown in doubt and despair. 
This is not the moment for arrogance or proud thrusts of will. The arrogant man will break in the agony of darkness. His meditation will be intolerable, and he will either revolt or despair. We must also recognize that one of the causes of mental or emotional breakdown of novices or young monks is...a lack of identity and spiritual maturity. 
The man of today is more and more vulnerable in this respect. His efforts to seek peace and light are carried on not in a realm of relative security, in a geography of certitude, but over the face of a thinly-veiled abyss of disorienting nothingness, into which he quickly falls when he finds himself without the total support of reassuring and familiar ideas of himself and of his world. Nevertheless, it is precisely this support that we must learn to sacrifice. 
This is the genuine climate of serious meditation, in which, without light and apparently without strength, even seemingly without hope...we drop our arrogance, we submit to the incomprehensible reality of our situation and we are content with it because, senseless though it may seem, it makes more sense than anything else... Here then, we make not the confident and conspicuously generous resolutions of our moment of light, but we abandon ourselves in submission, colorlessness, hiddenness, humility and distress to the will of God. We see there is no hope but in Him, and we leave everything, finally, in His hands. "Take heed, said Jakob Biehme, "of putting on the Christ's purple mantle without a resigned will." 
Dread is an expression of our insecurity in this earthly life, a realization that we are never and can never be completely "sure" in the sense of possessing a definitive and established spiritual status. It means that we cannot any longer hope in ourselves, in our wisdom, our virtues, our fidelity. We see too clearly that all that is "ours" is nothing, and can completely fail us. In other words, we no longer rely on what we "have," what has been given by our past, what has been required. We are open to God and to His mercy in the inscrutable future and our trust is entirely in His grace, which will support our liberty in the emptiness where we confront unforeseen decisions. Only when we have descended in dread to the center of of our own nothingness...can we be led by Him, in His own time, to find Him in losing ourselves. 
[...] The whole mystery of simple contemplative prayer is a mystery of divine love... 
[...] But true [contemplation] is that which transcends all things, and yet is immanent in all...The character of [this Christian contemplation] is pure love, pure freedom. Love that is free of everything, not determined my anything, or held down by any special relationship. It is love for love's sake. It is a sharing, through the Holy Spirit, in the infinite charity [and love] of God. And so when Jesus told his disciples to love, he told them to love as universally as the Father who sends his rain alike on the just and unjust. 
---From Contemplative Prayer, Chs. 15 & 16, by Thomas Merton (1996, 1966)
 That so-called "dark-night" experience is a daunting abyss to stand at the edge of and look into, never mind casting yourself faithfully, trustingly, headlong into it. But, in their faith and contemplative walk, that is just what many are called to do, if they would find shared identity in the light and love of God. We are advised that some do it with greater faith and trust than others, and some cannot do it at all. Some keep taking two steps forward and one step back; and some go just so far and stop, living as their situation provides for them in the new light and understandings of their spiritual way station.

The Sufi poet Hafiz offers this poem that affirms shared experiences and understandings of the contemplatives of different faith traditions. Hafiz:
Love is the Funeral Pyre*
Love is
The funeral pyre
Where I have laid my living body. 
All the false notions of myself
That once caused fear, pain,
Have turned to ash
As I neared God.  
What has risen 
From the tangled web of thought and sinew
Now shines with jubilation
Through the eyes of angels
And screams from the guts of
Infinite existence itself. 
Love is the funeral pyre
Where the heart must lay
It's body.
So then, to what place or what end this most challenging and difficult of divine dances, this spiritual totentanz. Hafiz offers us perspective, if not understanding, in more of his poetry, perspectives and understandings embraced by Merton and spiritual contemplatives of other stripes as well. Again, Hafiz:
In Need of The Breath* 
My heart
Is an unset jewel
Upon the tender night
Yearning for its dear old friend
The Moon.
When the Nameless One debuts again
Ten thousand facets of my being unfurl wings
And reveal such a radiance inside
I enter a realm divine--
I too begin to so sweetly cast light,
Like a lamp,
Through the streets of this
World.  
My heart is an unset jewel
Upon existence
Waiting for the Friend's touch. 
Tonight
My heart is an unset ruby
Offered bowed and weeping to the Sky.   
I am dying in these cold hours
For the resplendent glance of God. 
I am dying 
Because of a divine remembrance
Of who I really am. 
Hafiz, tonight,
Your soul
is a brilliant reed instrument 
In need of the breath of the
Christ.
*From The Gift: Poems by Hafiz, the Great Sufi Master (1999), as rendered in English by Daniel Ladinsky.

Thursday, January 26, 2012

Warren Buffett, On a Stronger, More Accountable America

Warren Buffet has always commanded my admiration and respect, a man whose views and values extend well beyond his personal interest to what is good, fair and effective economic and social policy for America. I suppose it helps that my own views and values often track closely to his. 

In a recent Time article, Warren Buffett Is On a Radical Track, by Rana Foroohar, he is profiled and quoted liberally about his prescriptions and preferences for a better, fairer, stronger America. Rather than summarize or paraphrase, I feel it best to let the the author and Mr. Buffett speak for themselves. But, it is a lengthy article, so I've selected a number of quotes from both that resonated most with me.
  • Warren Buffett believes in making money. He believes in fairness. He believes in the ability of government to make people's lives better. But most of all, he believes in luck. 
"I've had all this good fortune," Buffett says. "It starts with being born in this country, though. It starts with being born male in 1930.
    Genes, luck and birthplace may have helped make Buffett the world's third richest man. But in the past year, his good fortune has also turned him into one of America's most unexpected radicals. He's an ardent capitalist who is demanding higher taxes on the rich and more government spending on the rest to solve our economic problems. Although he is giving away 99% of his $45 billion fortune, he operates less out of a sense of noblesse oblige than noblesse outrage. The country that made him rich is lousy with bailout billionaires, a culture of selfishness and a loss of opportunities. "We can rise to any challenge but not if people feel we're in a plutocracy," he says. "We have to get serious about shared sacrifice."
  • Shared sacrifice, to Buffett, means not just higher taxes for the rich--who often pay extremely low rates on money made by moving money around--but also curbs on short-termism. He'd like to see speculative-trading gains taxed at much higher rates. He believes CEOs of publicly bailed-out institutions should be on the hook for everything they own if their institutions go bust. He's only half joking when he says he'd like to see private schools banned so that rich families would be forced to invest in the public K--12 system. (No Buffett in Omaha has ever gone to a private school, he notes proudly.) And he's for a complete overhaul of health care, which he calls "a tapeworm in America," one that cuts corporate competitiveness far more than taxes do.
    It's the opposite of the Darwinian capitalism embraced by many prominent conservatives who believe the market is the only means to distribute the economy's assets. "The market system rewards me outlandishly for what I do," Buffett says, "but that doesn't mean I'm any more deserving of a good life than a teacher or a doctor or someone who fights in Afghanistan."
He doesn't want to stop bond traders from making their billions: "Capitalism has unleashed more human potential than any other system in history." But, he says, "we need a tax system that essentially takes very good care of the people who just really aren't as well adapted to the market system but are nevertheless doing useful things in society." Bond traders and corporate raiders of the world, take note: your higher taxes should subsidize bridge builders and child-care workers.
  • At 81, Buffett says he's in a unique position to speak out. "If you are a CEO or you have to deal with a conservative board or you have a boss that might get upset by what you say, you can't do what I do. But I don't have a boss. It's hard to hurt me. If you don't speak up now, when are you going to? As my partner Charlie told me, it's like saving up sex for your old age!"

  • The reason people listen to Buffett, at a time when being the 0.001% may not seem like the best public relations asset, is that in matters of finance he's very often right. But it's also that he's not like other billionaires.

Buffett lives not on an isolated island of wealth but in Omaha, in a shingle-roofed five-bedroom house on an unpretentious street that looks as if it might belong to a successful dentist. He bought it for $31,500 in 1958. The corporation he runs, Berkshire Hathaway, owns 76 businesses--from a candy company to an electric utility--that throw off $1 billion a month in free cash, and he holds major stakes in many of the country's biggest blue-chip firms, including Coca-Cola, American Express, IBM and Procter & Gamble. Yet aside from his indulgence in private air travel (he named his first jet the Indefensible), he estimates his personal yearly expenses to be no more than $150,000. The company canteen in his small office suite, where he has a habit of walking around turning off lights in empty rooms, features a beat-up wooden table, a faux-leather sectional couch and Formica countertops.

His investment habits are as austere as the decor. In an age of leverage, he likes to steer clear of debt, preferring to keep from $10 billion to $20 billion of liquid assets on hand at all times--"so that I can sleep better," he says. In a world of high-frequency traders with two-hour sell windows, Buffett's investment horizon is somewhere between 10 years and forever.

He grew up in Omaha and Washington as the son of a U.S. Congressman and was once president of the University of Pennsylvania's Young Republicans Club. Now he's President Obama's highest-profile supporter, a crusader for higher taxes on the millionaires' club. As he wrote in an op-ed article for the New York Times last summer, in which he noted that his personal tax rate was lower than that of his office staff, Washington needs to "stop coddling the superrich." Millionaires, says Buffett, should pay more taxes--a lot more. And companies certainly shouldn't pay any less.

  • His worry is that in this era of late-stage capitalism, the next generations won't be as lucky as he has been. The problem of inequality is likely, he says, to get worse. When people can't climb up the ladder, it's bad for the economy--and for his companies. He doesn't believe that the U.S. can innovate its way quickly back to a 1950s level of shared prosperity, nor does he think education will entirely close the gap. "The truth is that there will always be a bottom 10% in terms of capacity," he says. "Someone in America who has a 90-point IQ is qualified for many fewer jobs today than he was 100 years ago."
The solution, to him, is obvious. "People who make withdrawals from societies' resources--like me with my plane--should have to pay a lot for it." That means not only higher taxes for the rich and an extremely progressive European-style consumption tax but also fewer loopholes for corporations. Buffett says it's "baloney" that corporate America's tax rates are too high and says companies should not be allowed to repatriate profits tax-free. (It'll just encourage more investment to flow overseas.) In general, he says, "I find the argument that we need lower taxes to create more jobs mystifying, because we've had the lowest taxes in this decade and about the worst job creation ever."
  • But [his first wife, Susie] was also responsible for deeper transformations, like Warren's conversion from Republican to Democrat. A civil rights supporter, Susie was involved in helping integrate Omaha in the 1960s, going so far as to front for blacks who wanted to buy houses in white neighborhoods. She took Warren to hear people like Martin Luther King Jr. speak. One speech in particular, given at Iowa's Grinnell College, became a turning point for Buffett. The topic was "Remaining Awake During a Revolution," and one line in particular chimed deeply with the young investor: "It may be true that the law can't change the heart," said King, "but it can restrain the heartless." It was something that Buffett began to think deeply about. Led by Susie, he became more involved in liberal politics, helping overturn anti-Semitic membership rules at the Omaha Club and doing Democratic fundraising at a national level.
  • As anyone who reads the financial press knows, Buffett is a "value investor," which means that he seeks to buy companies and stocks that are selling for less than they are fundamentally worth. It's a skill he learned from his Columbia Business School professor Benjamin Graham, whose book The Intelligent Investor Buffett memorized early in his career. Value investing is a task that involves forensic examination of a company's balance sheet. It was one to which Buffett, a numbers geek who'd read every book in the Omaha public library by the age of 11 and who enjoys poring over Moody's Manuals in his spare time while eating potato chips, was well suited. Even now, he can call to mind prodigious amounts of data, from the value of the Dow in 1932 to the number of housing starts needed to equal 2006 rates.
Buffett believes that once the housing market recovers, the U.S. economy will be back on track. "Once we get back to a million housing starts per year"--the current tally is 685,000--"I think pundits will be surprised just how fast unemployment will come down in this country," he says. "There are 4 million people hitting age 22 every year in this country. Sure, you can double up on households for a while, but at some point, hormones kick in, and living with your in-laws loses its allure." Buffett notes that nearly every one of his major nonhousing businesses has had several strong quarters, and Berkshire companies are making a record number of investments, the vast majority of which are in the U.S. "I am 100% sure that people in this country will be doing more business 10 years from now than they are today.
  • But Buffett insists his optimism isn't emotional but quantitative: he focuses not on media headlines about America's inevitable decline or cheerleading about innovation and education but on the underlying data. Basic demographics favor the U.S. over nearly every other rich country in the world. And with corporate America so lean and inventories so low, the growth engine, in his view, has to kick in soon.
The numbers over the past few months have been good: jobless claims are ticking down, and consumer confidence is up. That's great news for Berkshire, since Buffett's portfolio is made up almost exclusively of large U.S. companies and American blue-chip multinationals. Even in the midst of the financial crisis and recession that followed, he remained a U.S. bull. Berkshire spent $15.6 billion in the 25 days after Lehman Brothers' September 2008 collapse, buying up many assets on the cheap. Although Berkshire lost 9.6% of its net worth in 2008, Buffett did better than most everyone else and came across as a stabilizing influence during the financial crisis, speaking out on behalf of the government's management efforts. (He wrote a "Dear Uncle Sam" thank-you letter for the bailouts to the Obama Administration in the New York Times.) "You can see what happens when you have a Plan B, as you have had in Europe, where people have dithered and been unable to come together," he notes. "I think Paulson, Bernanke, Geithner, Sheila Bair, President Bush and Obama--they all behaved magnificently.
  • I ask Buffett if, when he started, his aim was to be the richest man in the world. "I knew I wanted to make a lot of money. But that's because I knew I wanted to be independent. That was very important to me. The money itself is all going to charity," says Buffett, who in 2006 pledged 99% of his personal wealth to charity, with the bulk going to the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation. "I'm really just a steward of it for now." Supply siders like Arthur Laffer have tried to paint him as a hypocrite for his giving. A recent Laffer opinion piece in the Wall Street Journal bashed Buffett for, among other things, shielded income like unrealized capital gains (taxed at 0%) and charitable contributions (which are tax-deductible). "Well, I had a net unrealized loss last year," notes Buffett. "But if Arthur has a plan for how he wants to tax unrealized gains, I'd love to hear it. It's an interesting thing for a Republican to put forward!When Buffett isn't giving, he's teaching. Many of the rich and famous seek his counsel about business and philanthropy. Recent visitors include Fiat scion John Elkann and the Baroness de Rothschild, whom Buffett took to Piccolo's, the modest family-owned Italian steak house where we sit eating dinner. "She loved it here," Buffett says. "She had a root-beer float for dessert."
  • When Buffett isn't giving, he's teaching. Many of the rich and famous seek his counsel about business and philanthropy. Recent visitors include Fiat scion John Elkann and the Baroness de Rothschild, whom Buffett took to Piccolo's, the modest family-owned Italian steak house where we sit eating dinner. "She loved it here," Buffett says. "She had a root-beer float for dessert."
  • But on taxes and the debilitating growth of partisan politics, he doesn't mince words. He was horrified by the debt-ceiling debacle this summer and shocked that Republicans were willing to play a game of political chicken with the goodwill and faith put in the world's reserve currency. He was disappointed that so many financiers who'd supported Obama and received the benefits of the financial bailouts were unwilling to support higher taxes to help close the deficit.
  • He's also got a few choice words about the Republican presidential candidates and their ideas about bootstrapping and "merit" economies. "This whole business about Newt Gingrich going down to Occupy and saying, 'They ought to be getting a job,' that's just--you know, maybe they can be historians for Freddie Mac too and make $600,000 a year." When I ask whether Mitt Romney is a job creator or destroyer, Buffett says that while businesses shouldn't hang on to people they don't need, "I don't like what private-equity firms do in terms of taking out every dime they can and leveraging [companies] up so that they really aren't equipped, in some cases, for the future." 
  • As for President Obama--should he win re-election--Buffett would like to see him lay out the truth about the road ahead to the American people. "I think that the American people would be pretty responsive to shared sacrifice if it was really shared and they knew what to expect," says Buffett. "I've always thought that part of my job at Berkshire is telling people what they should expect and what they shouldn't expect from us. I don't want to be held to things I can't do. On the other hand, I shouldn't totally downplay what can be done just to create a phony target."
Buffett feels the President missed an opportunity to do that right after he took office. But he's optimistic that it can still be done. "We need to tell people that the road is going to be long. We've got too many damn houses. They're not going to go away. This recovery is going to take a long time. And the financial crisis has exposed a lot of flaws in our system." But the flaws can be fixed. With the right rules, says Buffett, our system can work again. "It's like Martin Luther King said. We aren't trying to change the heart. We're trying to restrain the heartless.
"Isn't that," he asks, "what government is all about?

Friday, December 30, 2011

W.S. Merwin: Self Understanding, Duty, Identity

Merwin reflects on some challenges and life factors influencing our understandings and expressions of identity. First, in "To Waiting," he explores our inclination to more often be looking forward and to change--sometime seeking escape from ourselves--than to understand, accept and respect who we are today. 

Then, in "To Duty," he acknowledges the power of an inborn or developed sense of duty in or on who we are and how we face life. And though he treats it as a force unto itself, he leaves each of us to sort out whether this sometimes dominating sense of duty is a quality or product of our inborn personality, or the influence of life-learning and training in shaping it. That's what I hear and feel in his verse today, but tomorrow, perhaps more. From W.S. Merwin:


To Waiting

You spend so much of your time
expecting to become
someone else
always someone
who will be different
someone to whom a moment
whatever moment it may be
at last has come
and who has been
met and transformed
into no longer being you
and so has forgotten you

meanwhile in your life
you hardly notice
the world around you
lights changing
sirens dying along the buildings
your eyes intent
on a sight you do not see yet
not yet there
as long as you
are only yourself

with whom as you
recall you were
never happy
to be left alone for long


To Duty

Oh dear

Where do you keep yourself
whose least footstep wakens
all those sentences
that begin I thought

what makes you so sure
as you lay claim
to the cloudless sky of morning

assuming the grammar of the hours
and whatever they
are supposed to be saying
even if we try
to imagine what life
would be like without you

you who do not
seem to listen
you who insist
without a sound
you who know better

even better you say
than nature herself

you who tell us
over and over
who we are
  

Thursday, December 29, 2011

American Dream Easier to Realize Elsewhere: The Failings of Education, Government Investment & Upward Mobility


Those headlines and feature stories confront us more often. We don't want to hear it, we don't. We certainly don't want to believe it. After all, through all generations, the vast majority of Americans came here from many other places for that best opportunity to get ahead, the highest probability of being upwardly mobile. But now, not so much. The reports are true: America's upward mobility has been stalled, then jammed into reverse, and our vaunted middle class is shrinking. And most of those formerly enjoying middle-class life have become poorer, not richer.

If we read a little further, we are also informed that the gap in economic opportunity and mobility between America's "haves" and "have-nots" is steadily increasing.There are many factors, but a more dominant financial sector, more a winner-take-all social and economic environment, globalization and, particularly, the failures of American K-12 education, all loom large. What is less often reported, certainly less often heard and understood, is that other countries, at least seven of them have moved past us and now offer more accomodating access to a comfortable middle-class income and lifestyle. The American dream is now more easily realized elsewhere.

The US is now 8th in economic mobility behind Denmark, Norway, Finland, Canada, Sweden, Germany and France. Yes, France. And yes, there are those more ideological American's who have long flogged some of these countries as "socialist" countries--mixed economies to the extent that they place social support and services on a level of priority commensurate with the values of an advanced society, and supported by effective, open markets, regulated to protect consumers, the economy, and society as a whole. Some of us would just call them more balanced, effective and civilized societies.

But there are differences to be considered and reasons to be understood. Let's look at some recent articles that make these understandings quite clear.

From a recent article in Time Magazine:
The Pew Charitable Trusts' Economic Mobility Project has found that if you were born in 1970 in the bottom one-fifth of the socioeconomic spectrum in the U.S., you had only about a 17% chance of making it into the upper two-fifths. That's not good by international standards. A spate of new reports from groups such as Brookings, Pew and the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development show that it's easier to climb the socioeconomic ladder in many parts of Europe than it is in the U.S. It's hard to imagine a bigger hit to the American Dream than that: you'd have an easier time getting a leg up in many parts of sclerotic, debt-ridden, class-riven old Europe than you would in the U.S.A. "The simple truth," says Sawhill, "is that we have a belief system about ourselves that no longer aligns with the facts." 
[...] Yet it is important to understand that when you compare Europe and America, you are comparing very different societies. High-growth Nordic nations with good social safety nets, which have the greatest leads in social mobility over the U.S., are small and homogeneous. On average, only about 7% of their populations are ethnic minorities (who are more often poorer and less mobile than the overall population), compared with 28% in the U.S. Even bigger nations like Germany don't have to deal with populations as socially and economically diverse as America's. 
Still, Europe does more to encourage equality. That's a key point because high inequality--meaning a large gap between the richest and poorest in society--has a strong correlation to lower mobility. As Sawhill put it, "When the rungs on the ladder are further apart, it is harder to climb them." Indeed, in order to understand why social mobility in the U.S. is falling, it's important to understand why inequality is rising, now reaching levels not seen since the Gilded Age. 
There are many reasons for the huge and growing wealth divide in our country. The rise of the money culture and bank deregulation in the 1980s and '90s certainly contributed to it. As the financial sector grew in relation to the rest of the country (it is now at historic highs of about 8%) a winner-take-all economy emerged. Wall Street was less about creating new businesses--entrepreneurship has stalled as finance has become a bigger industry--but it did help set a new pay band for top talent. In the 1970s, corporate chiefs earned about 40 times as much as their lowest paid worker (still closer to the norm in many parts of Europe). Now they earn more than 400 times as much.  
The most recent blows to economic equality, of course have been the real estate and credit crises, which wiped out housing prices and thus erased the largest chunk of middle-class wealth, while stocks where most the rich hold much of their money, have largely recovered. 
---"Whatever Happened to Upward Mobility?" by Rana Foroohar, Time (11.14.11)
We're not really that surprised by these reports, are we? In fact, we've all come to better understand these troubling realities as the financial crisis and housing crisis stubbornly refuse to give way to a return to economic normalcy. But what of the underlying systemic and structural changes? More from the Foroohar article in Time:
[...] [T]he causes of inequality and any resulting decrease in social mobility are also very much about two megatrends that have been reshapng the global economy since the 1970s: the effects of technology and the rise of the emerging markets. Some 2 billion people have joined the global workforce since the 1970s. According to Goldman Sachs, the majority of them are middle class by global standards and can do many of the jobs that were once done by American workers, at lower labor costs.... 
While there is no clear formula for ascribing the rise in inequality (via wage compression) and subsequent loss of mobility to the rise of China and India, one key study stands out. Nobel Laureate Michael Spense's recent examination...found that since the 1980s, companies that operated in the tradable sector--meaning they made things or provided services that could be traded between nations--have created no new jobs. The study is especially illustrative of the hollowing out of the American manufacturing sector in that period as middle-wage jobs moved abroad. The only major job creation was in more geographically protected categories  like retail and health care (another reason wages are shrinking, since many of the fastest-growing jobs in the U.S., like home health care aide and sales clerk, are low-paying. 
[...] Many of the jobs that have disappeared from the U.S. economy have done so not only because they were outsourced but also because they are now done by computer or robots... Advocates of technology-driven economic growth...argue that the creative destruction wrought by such innovations creates more and better jobs in the future... The problem is that those jobs tend to be skewed toward toward the very top (software engineer) or bottom (sales clerk).... 
While there's no doubt that so far, technology has been a net plus in terms of the number of jobs in the economy, a growing group of experts believe that link is being broken... The result, they say, is that technology may soon be a net job destroyer.
But what role education in delaying or reversing this trend? And how might that play out? Ms. Foroohar:
The best hope in fighting the machines is to improve education, the factor that is more closely correlated with upward mobility than any other. Research has shown that as long as educational achievement keeps up with technological gains, more jobs are created. But in the late 1970s that link was broken in the U.S. as educational gains slowed.  
That's likely an important reason that Europeans have passed the U.S. in various measures of mobility. They've been exposed to the same Malthusian forces of globalization, but they've been better at using public money to buffer them. By funding ost-secondary education and keeping public primary and secondary schools as good as if not better than private ones, Europeans have made sure that the best and brightest can rise.
In the same issue of Time, the always insightful Fareed Zakaria reports that the American K-12 educational system has now fallen to a ranking of 26th in the world, and offers some well-informed thoughts on America's failing education system. Mr. Zakaria:
In 1972, the year [Steven] Jobs graduated, California's public schools were the envy of the world. They were generally rated the finest in the country, well funded and well run, with excellent teachers. These schools were engines of social mobility that took people like Jobs and Wozniak and gave them an educational grounding that helped them rise. 
Today, California's public schools are a disaster, beset by dysfunction and disrepair. They rank at the bottom of the country, just as the U.S. now sits at the bottom of the industrialized world by most measures of educational achievement. The World Economic Forum ranks the U.S.'s educational system 26th in the world, well behind those of countries like Germany, Finland, the Netherlands, Denmark, Canada and Singapore. In science and math, we score even worse. 
We've been talking about America's education decline for three decades now, so much so that we are numbed by the discussion. But the consequences of that crisis are only just becoming fully apparent. As American education has collapsed, the median wages of the American worker have stagnated, and social mobility--the beating heart of the American dream--has slowed to a standstill. Education is and always has been the fastest way up the socioeconomic ladder. And the payoff from a good education remains evident even in this weak recovery. The unemployment rate for college graduates is just 4%, but for high school dropouts it is 14%. If you drop out of high school--and the U.S. has a 25% dropout rate--you will have a depressed standard of living for the rest of your life. 
The need for better education for most Americans has never been more urgent. While we have been sleeping, the rest of the world has been upgrading its skills. Countries in Europe and Asia have worked hard to increase their college-graduation rates, while the U.S.'s--once the world's highest--has flatlined. Other countries have focused on math and science, while in America degrees have proliferated in "fields" like sports exercise and leisure studies. 
Bill Gross, the head of Pimco, the world's largest bond fund, sums it up in no uncertain terms: "Our labor force is too expensive and poorly educated for today's marketplace." There are two variables here: our educational levels, which are low, and our wages, which are high. Either we will raise our educational level or markets will lower our wages. 
[...] How to do it? Well, there is one simple, time-tested method. Work harder. Thomas Edison said that genius is 1% inspiration and 99% perspiration. Malcolm Gladwell found that behind many supposedly natural-born talents like musical ability lay lots of practice--by his calculations, about 10,000 hours of practice. U.S. schoolchildren spend less time in school than their peers abroad. They have shorter school days and a shorter school year. Children in South Korea will spend almost two years more in school than Americans by the end of high school. Is it really so strange that they score higher on tests? 
If South Korea teaches the importance of hard work, Finland teaches another lesson. Finnish students score near the very top on international tests, yet they do not follow the Asian model of study, study and more study. Instead they start school a year later than in most countries, emphasize creative work and shun tests for most of the year. But Finland has great teachers, who are paid well and treated with the same professional respect that is accorded to doctors and lawyers. They are found and developed through an extremely competitive and rigorous process. All teachers are required to have master's degrees, and only 1 in 10 applicants is accepted to the country's teacher-training programs. The contrast with the U.S. is stark. Half of America's teachers graduated in the bottom third of their college class. 
Bill Gates has spent about $5 billion trying to research and reform American education. I asked him, if he were running a school district and could wave a magic wand, what he would do. His response: hire the best teachers. That's what produces the best results for students, more than class size or money or curriculum. "So the basic research into great teaching, that's now become our biggest investment," he says. One study estimates that if black students had a top-quartile teacher rather than a bottom-quartile teacher four years in a row, that would be enough to close the black-white test-score gap. 
[...] I went through the Asian educational system, which is now so admired. It gave me an impressive base of knowledge and taught me how to study hard and fast. But when I got to the U.S. for college, I found that it had not trained me that well to think. American education at its best teaches you how to solve problems, truly understand the material, question authority, think for yourself and be creative. It teaches you to learn what you love and to love learning. These are incredibly important values, and they are why the U.S. has been able to maintain an edge in creative industries and innovation in general. 
The U.S. should truly fix its educational system by emphasizing the basics--like hard work--again but also by renewing its distinctly American character. We will succeed not by becoming more Asian but by becoming, as the writer James Fallows put it once, "more like us." That's what made America the world's most dynamic society--and it can make it so again. 
---"When Will We Learn?" Fareed Zakaria, Time (11.14.11)
Now lets return to the Rana Foorahar article for some insights on the role of health care, government support of employment and training, and tax policy.
There are many other lessons to be learned from the most mobile nations. Funding universal health care without tying it to jobs can increase labor flexibility and reduce the chance that people will fall into poverty because of medical emergencies--a common occurrence in the U.S., where such medical crises are a big reason a third of the population cycles in and out of poverty every year. Focusing more on less-expensive preventive care (including family planning, since high teen birthrates correlate with lack of mobility) rather than on expensive procedures can increase the general health levels in a society, which is also correlated to mobility. 
Europe's higher spending on social safety nets has certainly bolstered the middle and working classes. (Indeed, you could argue that some of America's great social programs, including Social Security and Medicaid, enabled us to become a middle-class nation.) Countries like Germany and Denmark that have invested in youth-employment programs and technical schools where young people can learn a high-paying trade have done well, which is not surprising given that in many studies, including the Opportunity Nation index, there's a high correlation between the number of teenagers who are not in school or not working and lowered mobility. 
[...] Germans, for example, made a command decision after the financial downturn in 2008 not to let unemployment rise because it would ultimately be more expensive to put people back to work than to pay to keep them in their jobs. The government subsidized companies to keep workers (as many as 1.4 million in 2009) on the payroll, even part time. Once the economy began to pick up, companies were ready to capitalize on it quickly. Unemployment is now 6%--lower than before the recession--and growth has stayed relatively high. 
The Nordic nations, too, have figured out clever ways to combine strong economic growth with a decent amount of security. As in Germany, labor and corporate relations are collaborative rather than contentious. Union reps often sit on company boards, which makes it easier to curb excessive executive pay and negotiate compromises over working hours. Worker retraining is a high priority. Danish adults spend a lot of time in on-the-job training. That's one reason they also enjoy high real wages and relatively low unemployment. 
The final lesson that might be learned is in tax policy. The more-mobile European nations have fewer corporate loopholes, more redistribution to the poor and middle class via consumption taxes and far less complication. France's tax code, for example, is 12% as long as the U.S.'s. Tax levels are also higher, something that the enlightened rich in the U.S. are very publicly advocating. 
No wonder. A large body of academic research shows that inequality and lack of social mobility hurt not just those at the bottom; they hurt everyone. Unequal societies have lower levels of trust, higher levels of anxiety and more illness. They have arguably less stable economies: International Monetary Fund research shows that countries like the U.S. and the U.K. are more prone to boom-and-bust cycles. And they are ultimately at risk for social instability. 
That's the inflection point that we are at right now. The mythology of the American Dream has made it difficult to start a serious conversation about how to create more opportunity in our society, since many of us still believe that our mobility is the result of our elbow grease and nothing more. But there is a growing truth, seen in the numbers and in the protests that are spreading across our nation, that this isn't so. We can no longer blame the individual. We have to acknowledge that climbing the ladder often means getting some support and a boost.
Many other articles have offered examples and perspectives on America's declining upward mobility, it's slide toward a smaller middle class and a bigger gap between rich and poor. One study reports that in 2007 only 44% of American families lived in middle-income neighborhoods, down from 65% in 1970. ("Middle-class areas shrink as America divides into "two-tiered society of rich and poor," by Sabrina Tavernise, New York Times (11.16.11)). That's a lot of damage in a relatively short time to our middle-class strength, and a threat to our economic and social stability. And it won't be reversed overnight.

The reality and the implications are clear enough. We are just now experiencing the unwelcome results of policies and circumstances long in their development. We cannot further delay a national corrective that will move us back on the upward path we've always so proudly claimed. The failings of our education system must be reversed. Germany's approach to the economic effects of the financial crisis reflected sound thinking: to fail to provide for social needs and training would just result in worse conditions that would exact greater social and economic costs in the end. That is thinking that will not come naturally or easy to America's anti-government spending advocates. It's not just the stimulative economic effect--although that is important--but also the reduction of national stress and pain, and reduced volatility of economic cycles.

We have to get past our misguided notions that America is by virtue of its very existence and nature a more advanced, better functioning and economically stronger country than all others. We have to get past this baseless nationalistic hubris and outmoded thinking, too often misled my misguided ideologues and populist demogogues. We must reclaim America's historical pragmatism, education leadership, hard work, and boldness of government investment in our future, a future which threatens to quickly and globally leave us behind. We can and must learn from other countries, many of which we once considered lesser lights. We will require a stronger partnership among government, education, business, and our citizenry, one built on the old foundations of American vision, innovation and hard work, but combined with a respectful view of the new, global, governmental, economic, and educational realities. Amen.
  

  

Sunday, December 4, 2011

W.S. Merwin: Last Year, Next Year

I've been reading different poets lately, but found nothing I'm moved to share here. So I picked Present Company (2007) from my bookshelf, poetry by W.S. Merwin--a favorite now, you know. I found these two poems, side by side, but where else would they be? As we look back on this year, fast receding, and to a new year fast apporaching--with promise, or hope, we pray--these two poems offer me sensitive, resonant reflections for this time. Perhaps they will resonate with you, too.


To the Parting Year

So you are leaving everything
the way it is
taking only your day with you

already you are out of reach
you do not know us or hear us
you scarcely remember us
already we cannot imagine
where you are

what we remember of love is starlight


To the New Year

With what stillness at last
you apear in the valley
your first sunlight reaching down
to touch the tips of a few
high leaves that do not stir
as though they had not noticed
and did not know you at all
then the voice of a dove calls
from far away in itself
to the hush of the morning

so this is the sound of you
here and now whether or not
anyone hears it this is
where we have come with our age
our knowledge such as it is
and our hopes such as they are
invisible before us
untouched and still possible

Monday, November 21, 2011

Couldn't Take You With Me

[A short essay from my Beyond Life's Boxes series.]

I couldn’t take you with me. And you didn’t want to come. Remember? That same uncanny, purposeful sense of fate that threw us together, scattered us like expatriates of Babel having lost the language, relationship and purpose of our time and place. And it didn’t matter when or where, because of you with me, it seemed like magic there. Was it school, the Marines, a church, another sojourn or road we traveled? Was it a shared faith, philosophy, or professional life? Or was it the causes and organizations, the boards and councils, or our retreats and pastimes, where our passions and purposes brought us together in common cause? Wherever it was, you were there and so was I. We knew there was a reason; we knew it was important, at least to us—and we were grateful for it. But just as fatefully, purposefully, and surely as we felt brought together, we felt pulled apart. You were gone and so was I.

You moved in your direction and I in mine, you to one box, I to another—and then another. I’ve been in some very different places with some very different people. Perhaps I’ve been led there, as I have said. But even if ushered there by serendipity alone, I’ve encountered a lot of the stuff, stories and lessons of life—seeing into it, then past it. My eyes have been widened and then narrowed, but now feel softer, more comfortable, wiser, more generous. They now see new things, and old things new. I can’t change what I’ve seen and know. I can’t and won’t go back. The call, the challenge is still in going forward. But I couldn’t take you with me then, and I can’t take you with me now. I would, but you have your own invitations and path to follow. I still love you and miss you—but in that time, place or cause we once shared together. And I’m still grateful for that time together, what it meant to me then and what it means to me now.

First written: June 2005



Sunday, November 13, 2011

The Tongue is a Fire


James, brother of Jesus: "The tongue is a fire...a restless evil...which defiles our entire body and sets on fire the course of our lives...[H]ow great a forest is set aflame by such a small fire...With it we bless our Lord and Father; and with it we curse men; from the same mouth come both blessing and cursing. My brethren, these things ought not to be this way." (from James 3:5-10)

Hafiz, 14th-century sufi poet: "What we speak becomes the house we live in. Think what can happen when the tongue says to kindness, 'I will be your slave.'" *** "Now is the time to understand that all your ideas of right and wrong were just training wheels to be laid aside when you finally live with veracity and love." (from The Gift (1999))

Saturday, November 12, 2011

Our Poorer Brethren: Understandings and Attitudes


Our behavior and identity are in part a function of our genetic legacy, yes, but also the way we are conditioned and schooled, what we learn in our families, communities and cultures. Some combination of genes and life circumstances determines who we are, how we act, the scope and limits of our potential and achievements. But for the least fortunate of our brethren--the increasing numbers of poor brethren--their choices are far fewer and their ability to act on them much less. That's a reality we could better understand. And compassion and a generous spirit are sentiments we could more often, more broadly embrace. GH

Wednesday, November 9, 2011

Zakaria: Tax Law Complexity Equals Corruption

For much of my career, I worked as a tax lawyer and a corporate tax executive. If there was anything I understood, it was the complexity of the U.S. tax code, regulations, rulings, and case law--at least those parts of it I dealt with most. To be really competent in tax practice, you do have to specialize in one area of practice, or a few at most. It's nothing short of byzantine. And many companies and industries have their special tax breaks or "incentives." They also have their lobbyists, both "in house" and on K Street, who are well paid to protect those competitive tax advantages. (And, it can hardly be surprising that tax lawyers, tax accountants, and financial products architects view each new and more complex iteration of the tax code as tax professionals' full-employment legislation.)

But most of those tax breaks provide no additional incentives for companies to do more of what they are already doing to maximize their profits in their chosen area of commercial endeavor. Not really. They are just thinly veiled, indirect government payments to one industry or another, or one company or another. They are created and sustained by congressmen and senators eager to help their constituent companies, or other companies, for which they have developed sympathetic support--and that sympathy is most often engendered through the financial and political support those companies provide the politicians.

In addressing the 9-9-9 tax plan of Republican presidential contender Herman Cain, Fareed Zakaria finds merit in the underlying ideas, even if the particulars are difficult to support or defend. But in taking on the most basic element of the plan--tax law simplicity--he exposes one of the principal unspoken realities of tax law complexity: political corruption. Mr. Zakaria: 
I am going to defend not Cain's specific policy proposals but their general thrust. His plan is sloppy and, in parts, bizarre. But the impetus behind it--tax simplification and reform--is not. Most Americans believe that the federal tax code is highly complex and fundamentally corrupt. They are right. The federal code (plus IRS rulings) is now 72,536 pages in total. The code itself is 16,000 pages.  
Complexity equals corruption. When John McCain was still a raging reformer, he pointed to the tax code as the foundation for the corruption of American politics. Special interests pay politicians vast amounts of cash for their campaigns, and in return they get favorable exemptions or credits in the tax code. In other countries, this sort of bribery takes place underneath bridges and with cash in brown envelopes. In America it is institutionalized and legal, but it is the same--cash for politicians in return for favorable treatment from the government. The U.S. tax system is not simply corrupt; it is corrupt in a deceptive manner that has degraded the entire system of American government. Congress is able to funnel vast sums of money to its favored funders through the tax code--without anyone realizing it. The simplest way to get the corruption out of Washington is to remove the prize that members of Congress give away: preferential tax treatment. A flatter tax code with almost no exemptions does that.
---"Complexity Equals Corruption," Fareed Zakaria, Time Magazine (10.31.11)
This is not the first time I have posted on this topic, as some of you know. It is a subject I was passionate about for much of my professional life, and that passion has not abated. It is just so logical and so right. If Mr. Cain's particular proposal is not viable --and it is not, in my view--he has embraced the right idea in simplification.

And after Mr. Zakaria works through the other elements of Mr. Cain's plan, he offers his own own variation on a 9-9-9 type of approach. It is still simple enough, although not as simple as Mr. Cain's. We can be thankful for that. But it is clearly more thoughtful and defensible. It, too, may have elements that one or another of us will take issue with, but on the whole it is much closer to a workable set of particulars. Again, Mr. Zakaria:
My version of Cain's proposal would be flatter but not flat: 9% for the first 90% of Americans, 18% for the next 9% (incomes starting at $150,000) and 27% for the top 1% (incomes starting at about $500,000). I would keep a few straightforward deductions--state and local income taxes and charitable contributions. I would lower the corporate rate to 18% and impose a VAT of 9%. Finally, I would enact a 50% inheritance tax, because nothing is more un-American than an inherited elite that perpetuates itself. So my proposal is a bit more complex--the 9-18-27-18-9-50 plan. Don't expect it to catch fire on the campaign trail anytime soon.
The full article is worth reading, not just for the analysis of the particulars, but for the policy discussion as well. It can be accessed through the following link:

http://www.time.com/time/subscriber/article/0,33009,2097396,00.html 

Life's Slippery Slope: Who We Too Often Become.

Following on from my last post, I've added these additional pull-quotes from various of my writings (which have also found their way to my Facebook page). I place them all together here in successive paragraphs because they follow naturally enough from one to the next.
Have we lost our way somewhere on the quest for the greater good, on that path paved with good intentions? Have we lost our footing, our vision and mission? We have our success and worldly goods, yes, but has that fulfilled our potential, our promise? And if that is what we've gained in the world we've so easily slipped into, what have we lost? 
We are competitive and contentious as a species, and given too much to disagreement. We contend and disagree among nations, ethnicities, religions and ideologies, and within them all as well. We are set on distinguishing ourselves from others, lifting ourselves above them or separating ourselves from them--and we are often unpleasant or hurtful in doing it. It all breeds prejudice, anger, even hatred. It's clearly not heaven yet, not anywhere close. 
So, if loving one another, even respecting one another, is too often just not in the cards, not realistic, don't we have to reach even more earnestly and insistently for tolerance, at least? In the name of peace on shared ground and in common spaces, can't we agree to patiently and politely abide one another? Can't we at least get over the lowest bar of tolerance and civility?

Friday, November 4, 2011

What's Gained? What's Lost?


Have we lost our way somewhere on the quest for the greater good, on that path paved with good intentions? Have we lost our footing, our vision and mission? We have our success and worldly goods, yes, but has that fulfilled our potential, our promise? And if that is what we've gained in the world we’ve so easily slipped into, what have we lost? GH


Wednesday, November 2, 2011

true lovers: one more from eec

Oh, one more, just one more, from this cummings selected poetry collection (well, until the next one).
#82 
true lovers in each happening of their hearts
live longer than all which and every who;
despite what fear denies,what hope asserts,
what falsest both disprove by proving true 
(all doubts,all certainties,as villains strive
and heroes through the mere mind's poor pretend
--grim comics of duration:only love
immortality occurs beyond the mind) 
such a forever is love's any now
and her each here is such an everywhere,
even more true would truest lovers grow
if out of midnight dropped more suns that are 
(yes;and if time should ask into his was
all shall,their eyes would never miss a yes)

e e cummings, 5 of 100 gifts

From e e cummings, five of 100 Selected Poems (a birthday gift from son, Adam.) You do have to keep working with cummings' poetry, mining the alternatives and possibilities, rethinking the pieces and the whole. But if you do, it just keeps on giving and surprising. It is surely worth it! 
#83 
yes is a pleasant country:
if's wintry
(my lovely)
let's open the year 
both is the very weather
(not either)
my treasure,
when violets appear 
love is a deeper season
than reason:
my sweet one
(and april's where we're)
#80 
nothing false and possible is love
(who's imagined,therefore limitless)
love's to giving as to keeping's give;
as yes is to if,love is to yes 
must's a schoolroom in the month of may:
life's the deathboard where all now turns when
(love's a universe beyond obey
or command,reality or un-) 
proudly depths above why's first because
(faith's last doubt and humbly heights below)
kneeling,we--true lovers--pray that us
will ourselves continue to outgrow 
all those mosts if you have known and I've
only we our least begin to guess
#84
all ignorance toboggans into know
and trudges up to ignorance again:
but winter's not forever,even snow
melts;and if spring should spoil the game, what then? 
all history's a winter sport or three:
but were it five,i'd still insist that all
history is too small for even me;
for me and you,exceedingly to small. 
Swoop(shrill collective myth)into thy grave
merely to toil the scale to shrillerness
per every madge and mabel dick and dave
--tomorrow is our permanent address 
and there they'll scarcely find us(if they do,
we'll move away still further: into now
#92 
no time ago
or else a life
walking in the dark
i met christ 
jesus)my heart
flopped over
and lay still
while he passed(as 
close as i'm to you
yes closer
made of nothing
except loneliness
#65 
love is the every only god 
who spoke this earth so glad and big
even a thing all small and sad
man,may his mighty briefness dig 
for love beginning means return
seas who could sing so deep and strong 
one queerying wave will whitely yearn
from each last shore and home come young 
so truly perfectly the skies
by merciful love whispered were,
complete its brightness with your eyes 
any illimitable star